October 7, 1996
Gangs Descend, to Pick Bosnia's Carcass Clean
By CHRIS HEDGES
SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina -- Even during the three and a half
years of war, Vraca Park was the meeting place for heroin addicts
in Sarajevo who shared needles and collective stupors that, at
times, must have seemed attractive to even this city's most sober
citizens.
But in recent weeks, police officers noticed that the number of
addicts had begun to swell. And then it became apparent why.
"Dealers," said Ismet Dahic, Sarajevo's laconic and burly
police chief, "have been walking around handing out free packets
of heroin."
The political chaos and poverty that continue to grip Bosnia 10
months after the peace accord was signed have spawned a thriving
criminal underworld. Well-organized gangs with plenty of money and
with roots in Italy and Germany are building empires that are
taking advantage of Bosnia's division into Serbian, Croatian and
Muslim entities.
The size and reach of these gangs -- the only genuinely
multi-ethnic organizations now functioning in Bosnia, with their
intermingling of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Muslims -- threaten to
overwhelm Bosnia's weak and divided law enforcement system.
Western diplomats say the swift rise of organized crime presents
one of the gravest perils to post-war Bosnia. Bosnian Muslim police
officers, who lack crime laboratories and earn about $30 a month,
are increasingly open to the hefty bribes handed out by criminal
gangs.
Local officials, who control towns in central Bosnia as if they
were fiefs, have switched from the black marketeering that made
them rich during the war, to more traditional criminal activities
like loan sharking, extortion and smuggling goods past customs.
Protection rackets, which plagued Sarajevo at the start of the
conflict, have returned, with shop and restaurant owners now doling
out $200 or $300 a month to mobsters.
As for the police forces in Croatian- and Serbian-held Bosnia,
Western diplomats say that they refuse to cooperate in law
enforcement with the police from other ethnic groups, and in many
cases have become intertwined with the criminal networks.
After a hit-and-run accident recently involving an ethnic Croat,
the Sarajevo police appealed to Bosnian Croat police for
assistance.
"The Croats said the man we wanted was a police official,"
said Asim Fazlic, a senior Interior Ministry official. "And not
only would they refuse to turn him over, but they would refuse to
release any information about him. How can we fight crime with a
situation like this?"
Cars stolen from Muslim-held Sarajevo are driven across the zone
of separation patrolled by the NATO-led peacekeeping force at the
edge of the city and delivered into the hands of Serbian gangsters
often with close ties to Bosnian Serb police, Bosnian Muslim police
officials said.
"With Bosnia's three ethnic enclaves divided into little
para-states it has become good business to steal from one enclave
and sell the goods in another," said a senior Western law
enforcement official, who asked not to be identified. "The
lawlessness in the Baltic states, parts of Eastern Europe and even
Moscow, is probably a good picture of what we expect to happen
here."
The lack of an effective police force, sloppy and corrupt
customs officials, porous borders, widespread poverty and easy
violence, born and bred in war, have combined to see criminal rings
flourish.
And police officials in Sarajevo say they believe the newest
heroin addicts here were hooked not so much for the business they
could give to local dealers, but for the services they could
provide as drug couriers within and outside Europe.
Bosnia, these officials say, is rapidly becoming a preferred
route for smuggling drugs from Iran, through Turkey and into the
rest of Europe. And in the past few weeks law enforcement officials
say even Colombian drug lords have caught on, shipping cocaine
through Bosnia to Croatia, Italy and Austria.
The FBI and officials from other U.S. Justice Department
agencies have sent in assessment teams over the past few weeks to
organize new criminal investigative units.
Meanwhile, the deterioration in law enforcement in Bosnia is
palpable. Car theft in Sarajevo, and along many of the roads in
Bosnia, is endemic. Most Western diplomats and humanitarian aid
workers, for example, no longer drive the roads from Sarajevo to
Mostar, or Tuzla to Brcko, at night because of the rash of
carjackings by small groups of heavily armed men.
Young men, unable to find work, have turned to burglary,
slipping stockings over their faces and sliding in through
second-story windows to steal television sets and stereos, often in
the middle of the day.
Police officials say that extraditions of Bosnian criminals from
German and Italian jails, now that the war is over, have compounded
the problem.
"We have no record on these guys," said Dahic, the Sarajevo
police chief. "And they have gained both the experience and the
ties to carry out criminal activity in Bosnia. We get new
extraditions here almost every day."
Many criminal gangs are positioning themselves to take huge
government contracts and buy up the state-owned businesses being
sold off by the Bosnian government, Western diplomats said. Rival
gangs are now vying for the government concession to run the
cellular phone industry, these officials said.
"Bribes are flowing in here like water," said a Bosnian who
works closely with officials handling the telecommunications
contracts.
And the size and scope of local prostitution rings have stunned
even the police. One of the biggest criminal gangs in Bosnia,
police officials said, now runs a vast prostitution ring out of
Sarajevo.
Young women are lured into the ring, given false identity papers
and sent to a village called Vrgorac, about 60 miles south of the
Croatian city of Split. The gang, these officials said, provides
scores of prostitutes to the tourist hotels up and down the
Croatian coast that cater to the soldiers from the 53,000-strong
NATO-led peacekeeping force. Other women are sent on to brothels
and nightclubs in Germany, Austria and Italy, these officials said.
"It is a huge operation, in the millions of dollars," said
Fazlic, the senior Interior Ministry official. "And, given the
lack of cooperation with the Croats, we have been unable to
investigate its operations or shut it down."